...against fictions and other tall tales
Showing posts with label banking. Show all posts
Showing posts with label banking. Show all posts

Saturday, 19 December 2015

Loanable Funds Theories: Classical vs Keynesian

It's been an embarrassingly long time since my last post. It's not due to a shortage of good topics to write about. Rather, I've been caught up in a number of projects at work and been busy on the home front. Hopefully, this post, which was inspired by ongoing conversations I've been having offline with friends and colleagues will partly make up for the radio silence.

One of the biggest fallacies in macroeconomics and macro policy is the idea that the interest rate is determined by the intersection of the upward sloping supply curve of (desired) savings and downward sloping curve of (desired) investment.

According to this traditional, credit-based approach to interest rate determination (as opposed to a "money-based" one à la Keynes's Liquidity Preference Theory in which the interest rate is determined by the supply of and demand for money), savings consist of the supply of loanable funds (i.e., funds that are not spent on consumption), assumed to be positively related to the interest rate, while investment is the demand for loanable funds and assumed to be negatively related to the interest rate.

As far as simple theories go, the old (classical) loanable funds theory is of very little or no use for making sense of the real world and in terms of providing prescriptive insight to policymakers. For one, there's very little evidence that the real rate of interest has significant impact on business investment.

But more importantly, the problem with the traditional loanable funds theory is its public policy implications: it assigns no role to government as a stabilizing feature of the economy during a recession, which is a ludicrous proposition given what we know now about the Great Depression, the Japanese Lost Decade(s) and the Great Recession (the lesson being that government has a role to support recovery, as market mechanisms won't be sufficient, or at the very least, will take too long).

Consistent with the classical origins of this approach, the traditional loanable funds model holds that government intervention to stabilize the economy is not needed because, as the economy falls into recession, there is an automatic stabilizing force clearing the loans market, enabling the supply of and demand for funds to adjust, shifting to the left, reaching a new equilibrium, as in the diagram below.


The self-adjusting mechanism works as follows: first, as the shift in demand for funds is assumed to be greater than the shift in the supply of loans during a downturn, the result is a decrease in the (real) rate of interest, which subsequently causes investment to recover, thus helping to restore economic activity and growth.

In his General Theory, J.M. Keynes illustrated how widespread the belief in traditional loanable funds theory was during his time:
Certainly the ordinary man — banker, civil servant or politician — brought up on the traditional theory, and the trained economist also, has carried away with him the idea that whenever an individual performs an act of saving he has done something which automatically brings down the rate of interest, that this automatically stimulates the output of capital, and that the fall in the rate of interest is just so much as is necessary to stimulate the output of capital to an extent which is equal to the increment of saving; and, further, that this is a self-regulatory process of adjustment which takes place without the necessity for any special intervention or grandmotherly care on the part of the monetary authority. Similarly — and this is an even more general belief, even today — each additional act of investment will necessarily raise the rate of interest, if it is not offset by a change in the readiness to save.  
In a recent post, Paul Krugman dismissed the relevance of the traditional loanable funds model for the real world, pointing out the basic Keynesian insight that the theory is only relevant if the level of income in the economy is fixed. In reality, as Krugman correctly argues, given that income is not fixed, all the traditional loanable funds theory does is "define a relationship between interest rates and income, the IS curve of the conventional Keynesian IS-LM model".

Also, in his post Krugman showed how misleading the model can be for explaining the determination of the rate of interest in a world where the central bank sets the short term interest rate as a way to achieve its policy objective (i.e., hit its inflation target):
The Fed sets interest rates, whether it wants to or not — even a supposed hands-off policy has to involve choosing the level of the monetary base somehow, which means that it’s a monetary policy choice.

Keynesian Credit-based Loanable Funds Theory (credit view) vs Classic Loanable Funds Theory (money view)

So it needs to be repeated: the old loanable funds theory is irrelevant for understanding how the economic activity resumes after a downturn. That said, the basic insight that "credit matters" and that credit fluctuations have significant effects on the real economy should not be rejected out of hand.

Such was the thinking in the 1970s and 1980s when a few Keynesian economists, including Andrew Weiss, Joseph Stiglitz, Bruce Greenwald, Benjamin Friedman, Alan Blinder and others (including, to some extent, Ben Bernanke) set out to devise Keynesian-inspired credit-based models as alternatives to the conventional and popular Keynesian and monetarist "money-based" models that dominated macroeconomics at the time (all of which assumed a special role for money in the determination of aggregate demand).

The result was a set of economic models highlighting the importance of credit in the economy and the critical role of commercial banks in affecting real output. Though they were labelled "new and improved" versions of loanable funds theory because they emphasized credit rather than money, these models were nothing like their classical predecessor, as the new models assigned no special role to the supply of savings and recognized the critical role of government regulation and macroeconomic stabilization to improve economic outcomes.

At the heart of these new models is the idea that, unlike the traditional loanable funds model, credit is not allocated in an auction process, with the loan going to whoever is willing to pay the highest interest rate. Rather, in these models banks understand that increasing interest rates can in some instances (especially when economic activity is weak or slowing) increase the probability of borrowers to default, as increased lending rates can lead to adverse effects on the incentives of borrowers to undertake activities that are increasingly risky.

Default and bankruptcy are therefore possible in these models -- unlike in the traditional loanable funds model -- because lenders are often unable to properly assess the risk profile of potential borrowers due to a lack of information or the high cost of adequately assessing the default risk of potential borrowers.

So, rather than being determined by the forces of supply and demand, the interest rate in these Keynesian credit-based models is determined by the maximum expected return to banks, that is, the rate with which profits are maximized and risks (e.g., probability of loans not being repaid that can lead to an increase risk of bankruptcy) to the bank are minimized.

In other words, the interest rate is a variable determined by banks themselves as a way to remain profitable. In these models, there is no presumption that increases in the interest rate will boost bank profits given that higher interest rates can increase the probability that borrowers will not pay back their loan, which could result in profit losses for the bank and, in some cases, could lead to bankruptcy.

Nor is there is any presumption in these models that the market for loans is perfect and clears. The market mechanism in these models does not lead credit supply to equal demand because, in their attempt to maximize profits and minimize risks in a context where information about borrower risk is scarce and/or costly to uncover, banks will not supply the amount of credit necessary to meet the demand at the lending rate. In other words, the result is an excess demand for funds (i.e., credit rationing).

Perhaps the simplest and most revealing of these Keynesian loanable funds models is the model by Joseph Stiglitz and Bruce Greenwald (2003)*. In this model, unlike in the traditional loanable funds model, the supply of loans (regardless of whether those loans are supplied via traditional financial intermediation or credit creation**) is not depicted as an upward sloping curve, as in traditional credit-based (loanable funds) models. Rather, banks' supply of loans is represented by a backwards bending curve (see chart below). The reason the curve bends backward in this model is because a rise in the interest rate increases average borrower risk. Also, the model assumes banks scale back the amount of loans supplied as the rate of interest increases to avoid borrower default and, by consequence, profit losses. (In a recent talk, Stiglitz referred to this model as a modern, Keynesian version of Irvin Fisher's debt-deflation theory. The similarities aren't obvious, but they are there.)


When combining the backwards sloping supply curve with a conventional demand curve for loans (where the demand for loans increases as the interest rate falls), the result is a credit market that is not perfect in the sense that the market mechanism (supply and demand for credit) does not provide a market-clearing interest rate, where the demand exceeds the supply for credit.

Ideally, in this model banks should be lending at point L* and setting the lending rate at r* where expected returns are maximized and where credit rationing (CR in the diagram) occurs. However, screening loan applications and paying interest on deposits imply costs to banks, therefore, typically the lending rate will be set a little lower, at point e. At point e, however, there is even more credit rationing because there is less lending.

From a macroeconomic perspective, credit rationing can lead to reduced economic activity by limiting aggregate demand, investment, employment and output. When credit is not available, firms involved in production cut employment and investment, thus lowering national income, output and the general level of employment. In some instances, as Alan Blinder argues, credit rationing can even lead to a Keynesian shortage of effective supply, that is, a shortage of produced goods and services to meet current demand, which in some situations could have the effect of increasing prices.

The impact of credit rationing on output will depend on whether the firms are dependent on bank loans. Firms that rely on bank financing will cut spending while businesses using bank loans for working capital will stop operating.

The table below provides a comparison between the traditional (classical) loanable funds theory and the modern Keynesian version.



Monetary Policy...

So what are the implications of this model for monetary policy? The conventional story holds that central banks reduce interest rates and investment increases as a result. In the Keynesian loanable funds models, the central bank may succeed in driving down the rate of interest on government securities (Treasury bills), however, it may not get banks to reduce their lending rate if banks perceive an increased risk of default on the part of households and firms due to a worsening economy, or if banks believe economic conditions are not likely to improve. Instead of increasing their loan portfolio, banks could simply choose to purchase safe government securities, as was done during the Great Depression, an outcome that does nothing to support recovery unless it prompts government to implement a fiscal stimulus by making public sector borrowing more attractive.

One doesn't have to think too much to see the relevance of these models to the period since the onset of the Great Recession.

As for contractionary monetary policy, the outcome is similar to the mainstream story in that investment can be curtailed as a result of the increased rate on government securities. However, as Stiglitz and Weiss, argue, "banks will often be unwilling to raise interest rates because of a fear that higher rates will have the adverse effect of chasing away credit-worthy borrowers and adverse incentive effect [of] inducing them to undertake greater risks". Instead, banks may opt to restrict the supply of loans, as in the diagram below.


So the point here is...

A basic principle in Keynesian economics is that no matter how dedicated unemployed workers are in their search for employment or how low the unemployed are willing to bid wages down, there are times when these actions are futile because jobs just are not available to meet the demand. The key insight of Keynesian credit models is similar, except that the crucial element is the insufficient supply of credit. In other words, this 'credit view' can be summarized as follows: often times the amount of loans is not sufficient to meet the demand for credit, regardless of the rate of interest.

To conclude, the main take away from this post is that the influence of interest rates (including the natural rate of interest) is often oversold, as the rate of interest may not be as important as it's often made out to be in the determination of aggregate demand.

The innovative aspect of credit-based Keynesian models was to shift the focus from money (as emphasized in monetarist models) and interest rates (as emphasized in traditional, old Keynesian models) towards elements such as the general degree of risk perceived by banks, both with regard to the default risk of potential borrowers and banks' expectations about future economic conditions. These are the key factors that influence the amount of credit supplied in the economy in credit-based Keynesian models.

* This blog post is dedicated to Joseph Stiglitz and Bruce Greenwald.

** Joseph Stiglitz & Bruce Greenwald (2003): "When a bank extends a loan, it creates a deposit account, increasing the supply of money."

References

Blinder, Alan. "Credit Rationing and Effective Supply Failures" in Macroecomics Under Debate, Ann Arbor, University o Michigan Press, 1992

Stiglitz, Joseph. and Bruce Greenwald, Toward a New Paradigm in Monetary Economics, 2003.

Tuesday, 14 October 2014

Deficit, Deficit, Who's got the Deficit? (Secular stagnation edition)

Over 50 years ago, James Tobin wrote an article for the New Republic entitled "Deficit, Deficit, Who's got the Deficit" (1963) that explains why the US federal government almost always needs to run a budget deficit.

The article is a gem. It has everything a good macroeconomics article should have: lots of debunking, all the relevant data, and a good dose of policy recommendations.

Unfortunately, the article is nowhere to be found on the internet. This post seeks to fix that by providing some key excerpts. Another purpose of this post is to use Tobin's analytical framework in that article and apply it to today's economic environment in the US.

Tobin on US Sectoral Financial Balances, circa 1963

The article starts off by describing the fundamental (iron?) law of financial balances:
For every buyer there must be a seller, and for every lender a borrower. One man's expenditure is another's receipt. My debts are your assets, my deficits your surplus. 
If each of us was consistently "neither borrower nor lender," as Polonius advised, no one would ever need to violate the revered wisdom of Mr. Micawber. But if the prudent among us insist on running and lending surpluses, some of the rest of us are willy-nilly going to borrow to finance budget deficits. 
In the United States today one budget that is usually left holding a deficit is that of the federal government. When no one else borrows the surpluses of the thrifty, the Treasury ends up doing so. Since the role of debtor and borrower is thought to be particularly unbecoming to the federal government , the nation feels frustated and guilty. 
Unhappily, crucial decisions of economic policy too often reflect blind reactions to these feelings. The truisms that borrowing is the counterpart of lending and deficits the counterpart of surpluses are overlooked in popular and Congressional discussions of government budgets and taxes. Both guilt feelings and policy are based serious misunderstanding of the origin of federal budget and surpluses. (1963:10)
Tobin then goes on to explain that both the household and financial sectors were running large financial surpluses (worth $20 billion combined in 1963):
American households and financial institutions consistently run financial surpluses. They have money to lend, beyond their own needs to borrow. As a group American households and non-profit institutions have in recent years shown a net financial surplus averaging about $15 billion a year -- that is, households are ready to lend, or to put into equity investments...more than they are ready to borrow. [...] In addition, financial institutions regularly generate a lendable surplus, now of the order of $5 billion a year. For the most part these institutions -- banks, saving and loans associations, insurance companies, pension funds, and like -- are simply intermediaries which borrow and relend the public's money. Their surpluses result from the fact that they earn more their lending operations than they distribute or credit to their depositors, shareowners, and policyholders. [...]
The article goes on to list the sectors of the economy that must borrow the $20 billion in surplus funds available from households and financial institutions:
State and local governments as a group have been averaging $3-4 billion a year of net borrowing...Unincorporated businesses, including farms, absorb another 3-4 billion a year. To the rest of the world we can lend perhaps $2 billion a year. We cannot lend abroad -- net -- more than the surplus of our exports over our imports of goods and services, and some of that surplus we give away in foreign aid. [...]
The remainder -- some $10-12 billion -- must be used either by nonfinancial corporate business or by the federal government. Only if corporations as a group take $10-12 billion of external funds, by borrowing or issuing new equities, can the federal government expect to break even. [...]
Tobin then follows into a discussion about the policy implications of these lending and borrowing dynamics:
The moral is inescapable, if startling. If you would like the federal deficit to be smaller, the deficits of business must be bigger. Would you like the federal government to run a surplus and reduce its debt? Then the business deficits must be big enough to absorb that surplus as well as the funds available from households and financial institutions. 
That does not mean business must run at a loss -- quite the contrary. Sometimes, it is true, unprofitable business are forced to borrow or to spend financial reserves just to stay afloat; this was a major reason for business deficits in the depths of the Great Depression. But normally it is business with good profits and good prospects that borrow and sell new shares of stock, in order to finance expansion and modernization...The incurring of financial deficits by business firms -- or by households and governments for that matter -- does not usually mean that such institutions are living beyond their means and consuming their capital. Financial deficits are typically the means of accumulating nonfinancial assets -- real property in the form of inventories, buildings and equipment. 
When does business run big deficits? When do corporations draw heavily on the capital markets? The record is clear: when business is very good, when sales are pressing hard on capacity, when businessmen see further expansion ahead. Though corporations' internal funds -- depreciation allowances and plowed-back profits -- are large during boom times, their investment programs are even larger. [...]
Recession, idle capacity, unemployment, economic slack -- these are the enemies of the balanced government budget. When the economy is faltering, households have more surpluses available to lend, and business firms are less inclined to borrow them. (1963:11)
The Corporate Sector: From Deficits to Large Surpluses

Of course, at the time Tobin wrote this article, US financial balances weren't exactly the same as they are today. Households as a group were running financial surpluses, the US was mostly a net lendor to the rest of the world, and the corporate sector was a net borrower of funds. Essentially, three things have changed since the mid-1980s with respect to financial balances (see charts below, double-click to enlarge).




First, starting in the mid-1980s, the US has become a net borrower to the rest of the world. Second, since the early 1990s and until the financial crisis, households were net borrowers to other sectors; since 2007, the household sector has returned to its traditional role of being a net lender. Finally, since the 1990s, the corporate sector has been at different times either a net lender or net borrower. However, since 2009, the corporate sector has been running a very large net financial surplus.*

What is the main policy implication to take-away from this state of affairs?

I would venture that the main take-away is that it's unlikely the US federal government will balance its budget any time soon unless households and/or firms start spending again.

In a recent article for an IMF publication entitled "Secular Stagnation: Affluent Economies Stuck in Neutral", economist Robert Solow (MIT) discussed the business sector's net lending position as a possible sign that there may be a "shortage of investment opportunities yielding a rate of return acceptable to investors" or, stated differently, that the "real rate of interest compatible with full utilization is negative, and not consistently achievable", a situation associated with the notion of "secular stagnation":
In the United States, at least, business investment has recovered only partially from the recession, although corporate profits have been very strong. The result, as pointed out in an unpublished paper by Brookings Institution Senior Fellows Martin Baily and Barry Bosworth, is that business saving has exceeded business investment since 2009. The corporate sector, normally a net borrower, became a net lender to the rest of the economy. This does smell rather like a reaction to an expected fall in the rate of return on investment, as the stagnation hypothesis suggests. (see chart below)
Source: Baily and Bosworth, 2013
Secular Stagnation

So what can be done? Paul Samuelson and Anthony Scott asked a similar question in the 1971 Canadian edition of their Economics textbook:
What if our continental economy is in for what Harvard's Alvin Hansen called "secular stagnation"? - which means a long period in which slowing population increase, [...], high corporate saving, the vast piling up of capital goods, and a bias toward capital-saving inventions will imply depressed investment schedules relative to saving schedules? Will not active fiscal policy designed to wipe out such deflationary gaps then result in running a deficit most of the time, leading to a secular growth in the public debt? The modern answer is "Under these conditions, yes; and over the decades the budget should not necessarily be balanced." (1971:436-7)
In my next post, I'll write more about secular stagnation and policy responses to address its possible eventuality.

* This post by Brian Romanchuk contains many useful charts and information on financial balances, as well as discusses secular stagnation from a stock-flow consistent perspective.

Update: I added charts on 2014-10-14, following a comment by Ramanan.

References

Baily, M. N., B. Bosworth, "The United States Economy: Why such a weak recovery", September 11, 2013, Brookings Institution, Washington DC.

Samuelson and Scott, Economics, 3rd Canadian Edition, McGraw-Hill, 1971

Solow, R., "Secular Stagnation: Affluent Economies Stuck in Neutral", in Looming Ahead, Finance and Development, vol. 51 , no.3. September 2014.

Tobin, J., "Deficit, Deficit, Who's got the Deficit?", New Republic, January 19, 1963

Wednesday, 31 July 2013

Bankers as public servants

An insightful anecdote by a reader of the American Scholar on how banking has changed during his lifetime:
Good Fences Make Good Bankers” by William J. Quirk (Spring 2013) reminds me of an experience I had in the 1950s. A final-year law student interviewing for a position with a major bank in Ohio, I had the temerity to ask the interviewer what kind of financial future I might expect in a legal career with a bank. He paused and in measured tones told me that if I was concerned with financial success, I should not go into banking. Banking, he said earnestly, was a quasi-public-service industry, and its primary mission was to protect the funds of its depositors and assist its borrowing customers
Can you picture a bank interviewer, with a straight face, uttering these same words to a young job applicant today? (italics added)

Reference

Shapiro, Fred., "Bankers as public servants", American Scholar, Summer 2013.